Lukashenko, Putin’s ally
On May 16, when Russian troops already encountered difficulties in the war against Ukraine, Putin had summoned the six leaders of Eurasia’s Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow. Putin tried to strengthen the bloc of ex-Soviet states against the West. In the ‘family photo’ we see Belarus dictator Alexander Lukashenko close to Putin’s side. That is no coincidence.
In his opening speech Putin justified his ‘special military operation’ and then wanted to hear the CSTO leaders’ opinion on his ‘united front against Ukraine’. Only Lukashenko spoke about Ukraine and challenged the other (equally authoritarian) leaders to side with Putin. But Tajikistan eternal ruler Emomali Rahmon spoke on Afghanistan and China’s military outpost in his country, Kyrgyzstan Prime Minister Sadyr Japarov rejected Putin’s request to build a “biosafety lab” in his country, Armenian Prime Minister and current CSTO chairman Nikol Pashinyan spoke on better relations with Turkey and Uzbekistan ruler Shavkat Mirziyoyev squarely declared: “We recognize the sovereignty of Ukraine.”
The most indebted leader to Putin is Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. When in February riots broke out in the capital Nursultan he requested Putin to help quell the protests against his regime. Putin sent 2,500 CSTO peace keeping troops. Result: 26 protesters killed, 748 injured, and 3,000 detained.
But although he owes Putin his remaining in power Tokayev is distancing himself from Putin’s war: “Look at Ukraine carefully!” he stated diplomatically. He still has in mind a statement by the Kremlin chief: “Kazakhstan is historically Russia.” He knows that 18% of his country’s inhabitants are Russians. He fears Putin will “liberate” them the way he is doing in Ukraine.
As I mentioned, only Lukashenko supports the Kremlin’s narrative. He allowed Russian troops near the Belarus border with Ukraine so that they could launch their attack on Kyiv and Chernihiv on February 24. He changed the constitution to allow Russian military bases and the stationing of nuclear weapons on Belarusian soil.
Lukashenko is also indebted to Putin because he saved his regime when he sent Russian troops to dispel thousands of protesters in the streets of Minsk in 2020.
Lukashenko seized power in 1994 and cheated massively in every election since. In his paranoid mind he suspects that “NATO states are training to deliver nuclear warheads”. He asked his bosom friend Putin: “Can you help us to adjust the fighter jets in order to establish a symmetrical response to NATO’s readiness to use nukes?” (Belarus has a number of Russian SU-35 jets which can carry nuclear warheads).
Up to now Lukashenko refuses to send some of his 45,000 regular troops into the war. He argues that they are not needed because Russia is strong enough alone to “demilitarize the Nazis”.
Lukashenko’s generals warn him that the constitution change was illegal because it abolished both the country’s no-nuclear status and its sovereignty. They also hold that Belarusians and Ukrainians are friends. They admire the Ukrainian soldiers’ bravery.
However Belarusians are fighting in Ukraine; about 500 volunteers on the side of the Ukrainian army against the invaders.
Erich Wannemacher
Lapu-Lapu City
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