Will there ever be a right size for the bureaucracy?
The debate has been reignited as the Marcos administration prepares to ask its super majority in Congress for the green light to rightsize the workforce in executive agencies.
State workers’ groups deny that the bureaucracy is bloated and have expressed concern about the downsizing that is expected in the rightsizing program.
With the country still reeling from the COVID pandemic and now sky-high inflation and fuel prices, cutting jobs would be “inhumane” and unjust, according to the groups.
In the private sector, the pandemic forced employers to drastically downsize and cut other expenditures, to save their businesses and allow the retention at least of some jobs.
Also, unfortunately for the state workers, every person who has encountered inefficiency, red tape and corruption in dealing with the government tends to support any move to trim bureaucratic fat.
On the other hand, unfortunately for Juan and Juana de la Cruz, all such efforts have been negated by even greater expansion of the government payroll, through the creation of more executive departments and unending gerrymandering to create more congressional and local government seats, with all the additional supporting agencies and staff that these entail.
The party-list system is a farce that has become a waste of public funds. So is the Sangguniang Kabataan. Barangay officials mostly add to the layers of red tape that burden the public, and are often remiss in carrying out mandated duties, such as preventing squatting and assisting women and children who complain of domestic violence.
During the Duterte administration, several barangay captains were arrested (some were killed in nanlaban cases) for drug trafficking, while others were indicted for anomalies in the distribution of pandemic cash aid or ayuda.
Yet there is a House proposal to make barangay officials regular government employees (ahead of all those contractuals) and to postpone for the nth time the barangay and SK elections slated in December. This has raised suspicions that the barangay officials, who are supposed to be nonpartisan, are being rewarded for playing a key role in this year’s elections.
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Even as the Marcos administration is drawing up its rightsizing program, its congressional allies are pushing for the creation of separate executive departments or new agencies for disaster resilience, water management and even skills development.
The Department of Budget and Management, which is drawing up the rightsizing proposal, says approximately five percent of the fat will likely be trimmed, with some two million positions affected. The DBM projects the potential savings at more than P14 billion.
A strong bureaucracy anchored on efficient and honest service, with career advancement based on merit rather than connections, is a common element in advanced economies.
Japan, with its frequent leadership changes, can shrug off the periodic political turbulence partly because of the stabilizing influence provided by its monarchy, and partly because of its highly efficient and professional civil service.
The quality of our bureaucracy, with systems designed to provide as many opportunities for collecting “facilitation fees” or grease money, is an argument against a shift to a parliamentary system. The negative impact of frequent leadership changes cannot be cushioned by a weak bureaucracy.
We do have many capable and dedicated career civil servants, who have risen through the ranks on personal merit. But politicians, the religious mafia and other influence peddlers have undermined the system of recruitment, appointment and promotion in government. Providing jobs in government has become an intrinsic part of political patronage.
President Marcos said in his inaugural address that trimming the bureaucratic fat could be painful, but he indicated it might be among the bitter pills that the country would have to swallow to maintain fiscal discipline.
In reorganizing the Office of the President, he has abolished the spokesman’s position (as he promised in his campaign) as well as the Presidential Anti-Corruption Commission, whose functions overlapped with those of the Office of the Ombudsman and Department of Justice.
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The DBM has stressed that teachers, healthcare workers and members of the uniformed services will not be covered by the rightsizing.
State workers’ unions point out that there are still thousands of regular positions waiting to be filled. They note that as of Aug. 13 last year, there were 582,378 personnel working under job orders and contracts of service – JOs and COS – out of over 2.3 million government employees.
A statement released by the Confederation for Unity, Recognition and Advancement of Government Employees (Courage) declared: “Every new administration lays off government workers only to hire more employees and appoint more officials, which is part of the spoils and patronage system that defeats any effort to really practice good governance.”
Courage president Santi Dasmarinas told us last week on One News’ “The Chiefs” that they wouldn’t mind if the jobs that would be made redundant would be at the higher levels of government.
He cited a study by the University of the Philippines National College of Public Administration and Governance showing that the country has one of the world’s lowest ratios of government workers per population.
Again, it may not seem that way to those who have had an unpleasant experience in dealing with the government.
Labor Secretary Bienvenido Laguesma, in a news conference on Thursday, supported the planned rightsizing and said the lack of certain eligibility requirements usually prevented contractuals from getting regularized.
Economist Stella Luz Quimbo, reelected congresswoman of Marikina, supports the rightsizing plan, noting that 28 percent of the total national budget or about P1.4 trillion goes to personnel services.
Congress itself needs to trim its enormous fat, and cut down on lawmakers’ entitlements. That should add a couple of billions to the savings in expenditures. But this has as much chance of congressional approval as proposals to curb political dynasties or regulate campaign finance.
The common trend in previous rightsizing efforts has been slimming at the start of an administration, and then worse bloating at the end. Will it be different this time?