Why we need a political reboot

Fates of nations are determined by the quality of its leaders and the strength of its institutions.

The unfortunate reality, however, is that despite our rich natural resources, youthful workforce and favorable geographic location, the Philippines is saddled with liabilities that consign it to be the region’s perennial underachiever. These liabilities are our defective political institution and low caliber of leaders.

Through the years, our political system has been manipulated to one that serves the interest of the narrow elite, not the greater majority. Thus, vital reforms are either blocked or watered down since their passage railroads the interest of the rich and powerful. Nothing less than a political reboot is needed for us to harness our true economic potentials.

In what ways are our political institutions defective and what aspects need to be reformed? There are at least five.

First, in our political system, the political elite and the business elite have become one and the same. Here, it is common for the largest conglomerates to have representation in the legislature to defend and forward their interest.

It is no secret that the National People’s Coalition, in which several senators and congressmen are members, as well as the National Unity Party are backed by major corporate entities.

In the Upper House, a certain senator owns the biggest housing, water and retail conglomerate. Another senator owns a chain of hotels and casinos. One is scion to an entire free trade zone and another controls a religious sect. In Congress, numerous representatives own large companies involved in property, shipping, trading and media. In local governments, it is common for the governors and mayors, through their dummies, to hold the local franchise for mining, power, water distribution and transport services in their respective cities or provinces.

Conflict of interest is the reason why vital reforms do not see the light of day. It is why the Land Use Law (a law vital to unlock the potentials of the agricultural sector) is blocked in the Senate. It is why the Foreign Investment Act was watered down. It is why the outdated Cabotage Law has remained in force. It is why the Full Disclosure Policy Bill cannot gain traction, just to name a few. The absence of these laws has made the Philippines economically uncompetitive. But it serves the purpose of the political and business elite.

Second, the executive, legislative and judicial branches have ceased to serve as a check and balance of the other. Rather, the executive branch has subsumed the judiciary and the legislative branches to bend to its will without consequence.

The executive branch has distorted the system of check and balance by appointing its own ombudsman and members of the Supreme Court. It controls senators and congressmen by having the last say on their budget insertions. Legislators who refuse to cooperate are left out of the money train and chain of influence.

The strong hand of Malacañang over the legislative branch is why the anti-terrorism law passed even if parts of it are excessive and unconstitutional. It is why the national budget is designed to forward the political agenda of the executive branch, among others.

Malacañang’s control over the judicial branch is why the ombudsman acts as the private lawyer of the President, not the legal arbiter of government officials. It is why the Supreme Court is quick to convict the political enemies of the President. It is why Comelec is unable to decide on the disqualification case of Marcos on its own and why the judiciary allows itself to be used by power players who wish to hijack lucrative national and regional franchises and major infrastructure projects.

Third, partisan politics have dominion over principles when deliberating laws. The legislators side with the powers that be simply because there, their bread is buttered.

This is why the majority of the legislature supported the non-renewal of ABS-CBN’s franchise despite the 11,000 jobs to be lost during the pandemic and its role in disseminating information.

Fourth, the pervasiveness of political dynasties. In the Senate, 15 out of the 24 members belong to political dynasties, as are 70 percent of the members of Congress. Among local governments, 73 out of 80 provinces are controlled by political dynasties.

When members of the same family occupy multiple positions within a city or municipality, they consolidate power in a pseudo monarchial manner. The preservation of power becomes the priority, even more important than social and economic development itself. Painful reforms and unpopular decisions are avoided and adoption of populist policies becomes the norm.

Among political dynasties, politics is the “family business” and the name of the game is to retain power at all costs. This is why ill-prepared family members become mayors and governors while the man with a doctorate degree is edged out. This partly explains the low quality of governance.

Fifth, the abysmally low qualifications required to qualify for an elected position. Unlike progressive countries like Singapore whose main qualification to be prime minister is to have at least five years experience as CEO of a company with SG$500 million in revenues; in the Philippines, all you need to be is a 40+-year-old Filipino who is able to read and write. The same low qualifications are true for senators, congressmen and local government officials.

With zero academic requirements, is it any surprise that we are governed not by the best and brightest but the most popular and most opportunistic?

We need to reboot our political system if we are to progress as a nation. We will be the region’s perennial underachiever until we do. Hence, we must elect the presidential candidate who promises radical political reform.

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Email:[email protected]. Follow him on Facebook @Andrew J. Masigan and Twitter @aj_masigan