Lovefest

In September 1417, the Sultan of Sulu, Paduka Batara, went to Beijing with a delegation of 340, bearing a tribute of gold, pearls, gems and tortoise shells for Ming Emperor Yong Le.

In turn, the emperor sent them off 27 days later with a king’s ransom of caparisoned horses, gold and silver, copper coins, silk and chinaware. While in Dezhou, Shandong, however, Paduka apparently developed autumn fever and died on Oct. 22.

The emperor gave Paduka an imperial burial with Confucian rites and had a tomb constructed in Dezhou. Paduka’s wife, two sons and 10 followers were allowed to care for the tomb, with free lodging, food, clothing, tax-free earnings from farmland and pension while observing three-year mourning rites. Three Chinese Muslim families in Shandong were assigned as their servants and farmers. Paduka’s relatives stayed for good in Dezhou.

Over the next centuries, wars, floods and natural disasters devastated the village and the tomb. It was repaired after the Philippines established diplomatic ties with modern China. On Jan. 13, 1988, the State Council declared the tomb a national protected heritage site. It was renovated into a park that was opened in 2002, with an entrance arch declaring it as “The Royal Tomb of the King of Sulu.”

Carlos Chan, the Tsinoy billionaire behind the Oishi / Liwayway Group empire, donated a total of 3.3 million renminbi from 2014 to 2016 for further improvements at the site.

The mausoleum is a monument not only to Paduka but also to the long-standing ties between the two countries – something that Chan is promoting in his designation as one of President Duterte’s special envoys to China.

I joined Chan last Saturday in a dinner hosted by my favorite writer, National Artist Frankie Sionil Jose at his home above La Solidaridad bookshop in Manila, just hours before the Oishi boss was to fly to Boao ahead of Duterte’s arrival there for the forum.

Manong Frankie has made no secret of his distrust of Chinese actions in the South China Sea. Panatag or Scarborough Shoal, Bajo de Masinloc in Spanish-era maps, is a traditional fishing ground of people not only in Zambales but also in his home province of Pangasinan.

Now Chinese maritime forces are standing guard over the shoal, which by no stretch of even a fentanyl-addled imagination can ever be part of the 200-mile maritime exclusive economic zone of China.

So I find it significant that Chan and Manong Frankie have also struck up a friendship, with the billionaire becoming a regular dinner guest at La Solidaridad.

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Their friendship highlights the complexities of our ties with Beijing. Chan, who was born and bred in the Philippines, has his roots in the southern Chinese province of Fujian, like most Tsinoys including my mother and me.

People from our archipelago have had a long history of interaction with China. Chinese porcelain artifacts dating from as early as the 9th century have been found from Batanes to Tawi-Tawi. Chinese records show that they sent a trade mission from Guangzhou to our islands way back in 982 A.D., while a delegation from Butuan embarked on a tribute mission to China in 1003.

The official exchanges were mainly friendly, although our islands were attacked by Chinese pirates such as Limahong. In November 1574 he was repelled by Filipinos backed by Spanish forces in Parañaque. He fled to Lingayen, now the capital of Manong Frankie’s home province, and stayed there for about 10 months before escaping through the South China Sea.

History books tell us that Filipinos discriminated against the Chinese for centuries. In Manila, the Chinese were confined at the parian, outside the walled city of Intramuros. The Chinese took on the worst jobs: collecting “night soil” from toilets, selling water and other heavy items that they carried on their shoulders, cleaning ears.

Many worked hard to become their own bosses, and the most successful became merchants and manufacturers of various types of goods. But it didn’t buy them respect, and the discrimination continued. Older Tsinoys tell me that until about 40 years ago, they were barred from directly owning businesses in this country.

Now tsinoys make up the majority of the richest Filipinos in the Forbes list. Among them is Carlos Chan, whose Oishi dominates the snack food market in China. He is one of the few Filipinos who have gone multinational, with operations in China, India, Indonesia, Myanmar, South Africa, Thailand and Vietnam, and perhaps soon in Bangladesh. Even his foray into diversification has been successful, as the exclusive Philippine franchise holder of Indonesian doughnut chain J.Co.

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President Duterte must also be hoping that Carlos Chan can be a miracle worker of sorts as special envoy, in making Filipinos join him in his avowed lovefest with Beijing and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping.

But the one thing that can dispel Filipino distrust of Beijing is if it abides by the UN-backed ruling giving the Philippines sovereign rights over disputed maritime areas. Filipinos are hoping that Duterte’s avowed love for the Chinese would be reciprocated with their departure from Panganiban or Mischief Reef and an end to their patrols in Panatag Shoal, which is a declared common fishing ground.

With the Chinese standing their ground in the contested waters, Duterte’s military forces, who are sticking their necks out in the West Philippine Sea, are among those who have resisted his China pivot.   

It’s better to make love, not war. So Pinoys shouldn’t take it against Duterte for openly professing love for Xi Jinping. The guy is China’s most powerful leader since Deng Xiaoping and he can take our bilateral ties to another level.

But love is a two-way thing. We’re waiting for Xi to give us back some love.