A network to watch local officials’ acts

The crash of the government’s lone police helicopter obliges its use once and for all of two extra civilian models in aerial patrols. Although second-hand when deceitfully sold as brand new to the Philippine National Police, the civilian units are in tip-top condition. They have been grounded ever since the overpricing-mislabeling fraud was exposed in 2011. But the PNP Air Unit weekly has been warming up the engines in preventive maintenance.

The grounded aircraft are tied up in anti-graft litigation (against former first gentleman Mike Arroyo and cohorts). With its Robinson R-44 police special totaled by strong winds in the Cordilleras last month, the PNP is seeking the Ombudsman’s permission to use them.

The police model was flown in searches for marijuana plantations and officer ferries in the mountains of northern Luzon. Its infrared night vision, high-intensity spotlight, and cockpit monitor were underutilized in the mostly daytime visual patrols. All intact from the crash, these can be transferred to one of the civilian spares. Both units will come in handy for city and mountain patrols. Too, for emergency flights and airlifts in the aftermath of typhoons, floods, and landslides.

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The Supreme Court’s temporary restraint of Gen. Carlos Garcia’s plea bargain has several implications. It upholds the Solicitor General’s right to intervene in court cases as “people’s tribune.” It frowns on secret deals between the Sandiganbayan anti-graft court and the Ombudsman. It affirms Congress’ finding of betrayal of public trust by the impeachable Ombudsman. Most important, it puts back on track the search for justice in the former military comptroller’s P303-million plundering.

For a while there, the case looked dead. Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez in 2010 secretly had schemed to downgrade Garcia’s no-bail, life-term offense of plunder to mere direct bribery (10 years max) and money laundering (12 years). The Sandiganbayan consented, nullifying the painstaking work of fraud investigators and auditors. By then Garcia had been behind bars for five-and-a-half years, on trial after exposure (in this column) of his repeated transfers of huge stolen sums to secret bank accounts in the US.

The plea deal called for Garcia to return only P135 million in loot. It also excused his wife and three sons from indictment as cohorts, and let him post bail of mere P60,000. In effect, he became free to enjoy bulk of his loot with the family, under no pressure to implicate his fellow-generals or contemplate the deaths in combat of soldiers underequipped by his plundering. (No bullets, no radio communications, no boots even.)

Congress consequently impeached Gutierrez, who resigned before Senate trial could commence. President Noynoy Aquino in 2011 pressed the Sol-Gen to oppose the plea deal and ordered Garcia re-imprisoned. The SC still has to hear the merits of the contested plea bargain. If it junks the deal, Garcia’s trial for plunder would have to resume.

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Analysts note three common features in demonstrations raging in Egypt, Turkey, Bulgaria, Brazil, and Indonesia. Same with those that rocked Greece, Sweden, and India in recent months, “occupied” 95 cities in the US and the west up to 2012, and burned England and France in 2011. One, they all were staged against democratic governments. Two, middle-class youths marched against corruption or social inequalities. Three, online media effectively mobilized instant throngs into the streets.

The analysts might add a fourth commonality: those democratic governments failed miserably to gauge the level of disaffection of the youths, via their very rallying social networks.

Worldwide the youths have come to own the Internet. It is their source of news and views, and venue for communicating and socializing. They converge online for guides to life and living, from as light as beauty or travel tips, to as serious as job opportunities and quality of education. The Internet is where governments creatively should engage the youth.

In the Philippines too the youth dominates the Internet. Three-fifths of the 104-million population consists of those aged 18 to 35. Thirty-four million Filipinos are wired, says social media activist Tonyo Cruz, and 30 million are on Facebook or Twitter. There are 100 million mobile SIMs, and 25 million youths have smartphones. Such devices will increase Internet penetration from nine percent in 2011 and 24 percent in 2012, to 64 percent in 2013.

More Filipino traits, according to Cruz: nine in 10 have social networks, which they open first before checking e-mails and on which they spend about five-and-a-half hours a day. The Philippines ranks second in the world, next only to China, in online video consumption and sharing via social media.

Clearly, says Cruz, the youth is ready to engage the government – via their mastered medium, the Internet. Is the government ready to engage them there as well?

Cruz posed the question at the launching Tuesday of the Citizens Action Network for Accountability. CANA is a collaboration of media and civil society organizations to organize and teach citizens to monitor their local governments. Grounded on a fast growing website (citizenaction.net), it shares experiences of individuals and groups that dared to stand up to the local powers that be, and won.

Migs Dominguez, the youngish former three-term governor of Sarangani, shared his experiences building the province’s website to speak with constituents. Most new young governors, mayors, board members, and councilors wish to convey their thoughts and see what people — especially youths — think. Opening a website reaches out to them, and to the world. Dominguez noted, however, that constituents visit official sites only for fun events — fiestas, sports meets, beauty tilts — not so much the heavy stuff like budget and project deliberations.

Perhaps it’s a matter of livening up the websites with youthful elements, like games, quips, and dazzling visuals. Maybe it’s better to shift from strait-laced websites to let-your-hair-down social media. Whatever, there’s need to know the youth’s sentiments, and answer their grievances.

CANA was organized not so much to forestall a youth upheaval in the Philippines, like in Europe, the Americas, and Asia. It aims to make local governments more transparent and accountable by letting them know they’re being watched. A youth revolt can and will erupt depending on how the local and national officials react.

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