Being the seasoned lawyer that he is, Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile will surely be able to defend the legality of his distribution of Christmas “gifts†to most of his colleagues in the chamber.
And what gifts they are, courtesy of Juan de la Cruz: P1.6 million each, except to the four that Enrile suspects are behind plots – or rumors of plots – to unseat him from the top Senate post.
As could be expected, people who get shortchanged – na-didal in street slang – are bound to complain, and complain loudly.
So at least one of the four senators who got “only†P250,000 (and returned the money) bared the generous gifts to the public.
Enrile, who explained that the money came from savings in his Senate office, has hit back by telling his critics in the chamber to account for the millions allocated to the committees they chair. Because of those large allocations, he explained, the four got the smaller Christmas gifts.
Anyone who has followed wheeling and dealing at the Senate cannot miss the fact that the four happen to be Enrile’s worst foes in the chamber: Miriam Defensor Santiago, Antonio Trillanes IV and siblings Pia and Allan Peter Cayetano.
Ordinary mortals are watching this battle with amusement – and hoping that it could lead to more accountability in the use of public funds by lawmakers.
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As of yesterday, judging from the irritating text blasts defending “Manong Johnny†and hitting his opponents, the story has inflicted a serious wound and his camp is furiously doing damage control.
The effort is surely not just for Enrile but also for his son, now being groomed to serve alongside him in the Senate in the 16th Congress.
That’s the problem when a public official bags his position largely by virtue of a famous surname: a stain on one clan member can taint everyone else. Just ask people surnamed Ampatuan.
The brazenness of father and son wanting to occupy two seats in a 24-member chamber in itself warrants damage control, but Enrile obviously doesn’t think so.
Jack Enrile is currently a congressman representing the clan’s fiefdom of Cagayan. Relatively unknown in national affairs, he saw his survey ratings soar alongside his father’s in the aftermath of the impeachment trial of former chief justice Renato Corona last year. During the trial, JPE’s popularity rivaled his aura of a hero during the 1986 people power revolt.
The Senate President’s star has dimmed somewhat since the impeachment trial, starting with his rewrite of martial law history in his official memoirs. When he was overwhelmed by public opinion (as reflected in surveys) and congressional voting in favor of the Reproductive Health bill, his son did the balancing act for the clan, going along with the popular tide while the father remained with the bishops.
Now the father is under fire for what the public has been told is a usual year-end practice in his chamber. At the House of Representatives, probably because there are over 250 members, the holiday “gift†was only P500,000 each.
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We keep asking why, with salaries in government too low compared to comparative employment in the private sector, people see congressional seats and other elective positions as jobs to die for, and even to kill for.
This fight over didalan at the Senate (no complaints from the House so far) gives us a glimpse into why lawmakers want to turn Congress into a family enterprise.
We know about the congressional pork. Whenever there’s a public outcry over pork barrel allocations, lawmakers are quick to point out, correctly, that no money actually passes through their hands. What they do is earmark projects for public funding and implementation by relevant agencies.
The pork barrel system has wreaked havoc on long-term, coordinated planning for infrastructure and other development projects. The Department of Public Works and Highways has also complained that lawmakers force the agency to allow contractors that do not meet DPWH requirements to undertake congressional pet projects.
There are also documented instances of lawmakers using their pork barrel to implement projects that benefit mainly the businesses and other interests of their relatives and cronies.
On the other hand, defenders of the pork barrel have pointed out that the system prevents political opponents of those in power from being left out in development priorities.
It also keeps a portion of public funding out of the hands of crooked officials in the executive branch. Since the DPWH developed over many years a reputation for corruption, taxpayers tended to go along with this explanation.
Now, on top of the pork barrel, we are learning that lawmakers actually get their hands on actual cash, and not just in brown paper bags distributed at Malacañang during the previous administration.
Following this latest controversy involving Enrile, Senator Miriam is proposing new rules and procedures that the Commission on Audit (COA) can implement to compel greater accountability in the utilization of congressional funds.
It’s an unspoken acknowledgment that Enrile has not broken any rules, or at worst is in a gray area in handing out those lavish Christmas gifts. How badly Enrile has been wounded will be reflected in his son’s performance in the Senate race in May.
No one is sure of the COA will follow Senator Miriam’s advice. The only thing sure is that lawmakers will continue to find a way of enjoying a merry Christmas this year, courtesy of taxpayers.