Never again!

Based on the 2010 NSO census, Filipinos numbered 92,337,852 growing at an average of 2.12% every year. The median age is 23.4. That means more than half of today’s projected 94M population were born after 1986, the year President Cory Aquino restored democracy and ended 21 years of the Marcos Regime.

More than 65% of Filipinos have a vague or no recollection of one of the darkest periods in Philippine history — Martial Law or Proclamation 1081, declared on Sept. 21, 1972. Even those who lived through the nightmare suffer from a short memory and the desire to erase painful and ugly remembrances.

But to honor 30,000 student and labor activists, journalists and opposition figures who were detained, tortured and salvaged in military camps — let us resolve never to forget. Because forgetting might allow the incubus to return.

In the beginning, Martial Law was allegedly supported by many, including business leaders — an assertion questioned by the younger generation. The emergency rule was intended to eradicate the roots of communist rebellion, end the squabbling between the executive/legislative branches and curb vested interests.

It was viewed as the change that would solve the massive corruption that plagued the country. Reforms to effect modernization that matched the stride of our Asian neighbors were implemented. A massive values campaign was mounted to stress the need for self-sacrifice and discipline for national development or the “New Society.”

Marcos justified Martial Law by citing the Communist Party of the Philippines, which re-grouped in 1968. Growing numbers were joining the New People’s Army. He also claimed that the insurgency between Muslims and Christians in the South was a threat to national security. The final aggravation was the assassination attempt on Juan Ponce Enrile, then the Minister of Defense. The autocrat proclaimed 1081 the day after.

Many years later, when JPE joined the coup attempt of RAM led by Gringo Honasan, he confessed that the assassination attempt was staged. By then the devastation wreaked by the dictator was irreparable. Marcos dissolved the Philippine Congress, closed down various media outfits and established “crony capitalism.” By placing his dummies in strategic economic positions, he was also able to funnel millions of the country’s money abroad. His so-called reform was a means to target his political rivals and the coveted wealth of the elite, divesting them of power, patronage and assets.

Kleptocracy quickly spread. The excesses were seen in the couple’s lavish parties, sex scandals and millions spent on signature clothes, shoes and jewelry. Near the end, even his minions aped the Marcoses from lifestyle, fashion to oratorical pattern. The cancer of corruption had seeped down to the nation’s marrow.

The political and economic deterioration fomented social unrest. Many took up arms to fight the regime. The Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community began organizing and conducting protests. The disclosure of human rights violations and horrendous atrocities was pushing the country to chaos. To legitimize his stay, Marcos won two rigged elections in 1978 and 1981. But it did not pacify the mounting opposition to his tyrannical rule.

The assassination of Ninoy Aquino was the beginning of the end for Marcos. The citizenry was enraged. To appease the fury, he called for a snap election and then attempted to cheat Cory Aquino of her victory. It was his ultimate undoing. The dictator was ousted from office, ending 21 years of despotic rule.

As a people, we are not the culturally-conscious kind that records and preserves history. Nor are we the most conscientious in archiving momentous events or ethnic traditions. That’s why it’s not difficult for revisionists to distort facts and spin other versions of “truth”. And we overlook lessons that we should have learned from the past.

It may also be why the Filipino has such a pale imprint of self-identity. We are the perfect migrant race. It’s almost effortless to superimpose another persona depending on where diaspora takes us. Our extreme adaptability or malleability makes us survive and thrive anywhere we go.

Even now, some propound that for the rambunctious brown race, a benevolent dictatorship would be better than a corrupt democracy. I’ve heard this said with varying levels of flippancy and seriousness by proponents with varying degrees of intelligence and stupidity.

There’s a reason why “benevolent dictator” is an oxymoron. The two concepts are so divergent; it is impossible to co-exist as one. Even those who started out with a transformational vision quickly succumb to the temptations of absolute power. As George Orwell said, “Power is not a means, it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes a revolution in order to establish the dictatorship.”

Is there any example of benevolent dictatorship that has produced a progressive, contented and peaceful society? According to Donella Meadows, there is one — sort of. She submits that Singapore’s economic miracle blossomed under 20 years of Lee Kuan Yew’s authoritarian rule.

“Singapore’s economy grew eightfold. Average income per capita rose more than fourfold. The percentage of families living in poverty dropped to 0.3%. No one is homeless. 80+% of families now own their homes. Virtually everyone has a job.”

The Strongman controlled population growth; required workers to save 25% of their salary with matching employer contribution. Steep fines were imposed for littering, spitting, jaywalking and smoking. Drug traffickers were sentenced to death.

But he also provided housing with recreation centers, pools, shopping and schools. The Singaporeans embraced the order of a “meritocratic, elitist, Confucian, bureaucratic state.” A “dictatorship” with free speech, no fear and zero corruption? A capitalist economy with socialist ends? Singapore flouts the usual labels.

For sure, a Utopian ruler with unlimited control doesn’t actually exist because it challenges the human condition. When the day finally comes that there is a leader who can reject the enticements of absolute power, we would attain Thomas More’s Utopia. Until that time — to Martial Law, Proclamation 1081, Marcos and other tyrants, oppression, loss of democracy — raise your fist and shout NEVER AGAIN!

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