Waiting for change

There’s a new man at Malacañang, but the Congress that he must work with, as well as the judiciary whose imprimatur will occasionally be required for executive acts, will largely be the same.

How much change is possible when the same surnames dominate the 15th Congress? Change in the judiciary is possible only in cases of retirement, permanent disability, administrative sanction, criminal conviction or death.

But hope is always high at the start of a new administration. And we, members of mass media, are still in the 100-day honeymoon period, although some are starting to feel antsy. At the end of 100 days we might already be mistaken for Malabanan the septic tank tycoon. But let’s give credit where it is due.

In his first month in office, President Aquino has managed to eliminate certain perks enjoyed by VIPs, starting with the use of sirens and blinkers. It may seem like a minor, symbolic accomplishment, but who ever thought this was possible? Not even P-Noy’s late mother, when she was president, eschewed the use of wang-wang for her convoy.

That initial step has given people a taste of what it’s like to declare, whether to VIPs or themselves: Kung ang presidente hindi ginagawa, ikaw pa? If the president isn’t doing it, why should you?

Think of what that mindset can do if applied to bribes and corrupt deals. If the president himself isn’t on the take, how could other public servants accept bribes or demand tong-pats? If there is no presidential greed that needs moderation, how can other public officials manifest greed in any degree?

P-Noy’s non-show biz sisters, low-profile even during their late mother’s presidency, have also set the example by lining up and eschewing VIP treatment at the NAIA.

The only people who deserve special treatment at the airport are people with disabilities, pregnant women and very young children. Even Filipino holders of diplomatic passports need screening before being accorded special treatment. All key national and local government officials have those passports, and not everyone deserves VIP treatment.

Yesterday former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and husband Mike took off their shoes and belts and allowed themselves to be frisked at the NAIA on their way to Hong Kong. The sight was novel but not surprising. At the start of the Arroyo presidency in 2001, her only daughter Luli also refused VIP treatment at the NAIA and lined up with the hoi polloi at the immigration counter. GMA also famously dashed her daughter’s prospects for a career in the foreign service by refusing to sign the appointment papers, to avoid charges of nepotism.

What happened to GMA in the next nine years? There’s a lesson to be learned there for P-Noy, his relatives and friends.

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Some quarters have expressed disappointment that President Aquino has not abolished the congressional pork barrel.

But the move was not entirely surprising. Many things remain the same despite the change in leadership, including patronage politics and the budget process.

Budgeting rules allow the president of the republic to use the pork barrel system to bend the legislature to his will, by releasing funds only for projects that are in pursuit of his legislative agenda.

At the hands of a chief executive who is committed to good governance, that power can be used, for example, to build more classrooms and health centers in areas where these are needed most.

That power can also be used to prevent the president from being blackmailed with the threat of impeachment by certain congressmen.

In the 14th Congress, that power was used with lethal efficiency (and with additional help from moneyed friends of the administration) to engineer what seemed unimaginable: the ouster of Jose de Venecia as speaker of the House, after he failed to stop his son Joey from talking about the ZTE deal. Not even the amulets around his wrist or feng shui at home could protect the Pangasinan congressman from his fate.

Cynical senators have also pointed out that the debate over whether or not to abolish the pork barrel boils down to which gang of crooks gets to control the funds: lawmakers, or officials in the executive department. Is it better to entrust the identification of projects for funding to legislators who want commissions for every kilometer of road repaired, or to personnel of the Department of Public Works and Highways who want the same thing?

Some quarters have lamented that retaining the congressional pork perpetuates the worst form of transactional politics. But having been a lawmaker for over a decade probably makes P-Noy a realist who realizes the limitations of his campaign platform of change when it comes to dealing with Philippine politicians.

The compromises start with the realignment of forces in the 15th Congress, whose cooperation the President will need to pursue his legislative agenda. Political support rarely comes free.

Already lawmakers are warning that certain Cabinet nominees may not hurdle the Commission on Appointments. The opening of Congress, cynics say, is the start of the post-election reality check.

But politics, it is often said, is the art of the possible. Change – sometimes abrupt, at times as slow as the mountain being permanently altered by a continuing trickle of water – is not an impossible dream in Philippine politics.

At the start of his term, there is hope that P-Noy will surprise us, the way he has with his elimination overnight of the use of wang-wang.