Elite politics: only they have the say

A political picture paints a thousand truths. Take as sample the news photo of Emigdio Tanjuatco, secretary general of Kampi, raising the hand of Martin Romualdez as official candidate in Leyte. Tanjuatco is of course a first cousin of Cory Aquino, Kampi is the party that brought Gloria Arroyo to the Vice Presidency in 1998, and Romualdez is a nephew of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Meaning, a segment of Cory’s Cojuangco political clan is friendly with a section of the Marcos-Romualdez band that Cory toppled in 1986. Meaning, too, that that Cojuangco segment remains on the side of Arroyo, from whom Cory broke ranks in July 2005. Meaning, further, that in politics there are no permanent friends – or enemies – only permanent interests. Meaning, most of all, that there is an elite political class up there, and only they – not the electorate – dictate who may sit.

Politics of sila-sila (only them) shows as the administration drafts a senatorial slate. Heading it is the septuagenarian Imelda Marcos, whose presence raises suspicion that someone is trying to broker a settlement of the Marcos wealth – for a fee. Being wooed to join, just because they are former senators and thus have good chances of winning, are Tito Sotto and Tessie Aquino Oreta. Both are loyalists of Joseph Estrada whom Cory also helped to bring down in 2001. The initial reason given for their recruitment was that the two have bolted from Estrada’s United Opposition (UNO) onto the NPC, which happens to be in Arroyo’s ruling coalition. Only later did administration sloganeers come up with the idea of a "unity ticket" with erstwhile opposition figures. A unity of whom? Of members of the political elite who bury the hatchet for electoral convenience, that’s who. It may be futile to ask Sotto and Oreta if they were ever sincere in fighting Arroyo in the 2001 and 2004 elections. Incidentally, Oreta is Ninoy Aquino’s sister and Cory’s sister-in-law. The Aquinos and Cojuangcos believe that the Marcos-Romualdez conjugal dictatorship was responsible for Ninoy’s assassination.

Estrada’s UNO lineup, meanwhile, includes Oreta’s nephew Noynoy Aquino, the only son of Cory who as already mentioned aided his ouster. So that poor Noynoy doesn’t feel lost and lonely in virtual enemy terrain, reelectionists Manny Villar, Ralph Recto and Kiko Pangilinan are being asked to chaperone him. Villar, who led Estrada’s impeachment in 2000, reportedly has agreed. Kiko, Noynoy’s LP-mate, is hesitant due to pleas from friends in civil society and because UNO has not invited reelectionist pal Joker Arroyo. If he joins UNO, he must face the question: was he in 2000 ever sincere in denouncing Estrada’s blundering, plundering Presidency? For a former street activist like Kiko, this is very different from rallying to protect "class enemies" Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos from Marcos in 1986. For then, Enrile had admitted to the public having cheated for Marcos in the snap presidential elections just past. Estrada, by contrast, shows no remorse for signing as alias Jose Velarde in a multibillion-peso secret bank account. Why, he is even taunting Atong Ang for admitting their pocketing of P130 million in poor farmers’ tobacco levy. There is no reason for men of goodwill to join an unrepentant Estrada; it would only smack of electoral opportunism.

The worst display of politics of sila-sila is UNO’s inclusion of Koko Pimentel, Alan Peter Cayetano and JV Ejercito in its senatorial lineup. If they win, Koko will sit in the chamber with his senator-dad Aquilino, who ironically has a pending bill against political dynasties. Peter will sit with sister Pia, and JV with half-brother Jinggoy. This is no cure to the anomaly of having Jinggoy sitting with his senator-mom Loi, said former senator Kit Tatad in resigning from the UNO, this is committing the very sin for which they condemn Arroyo’s own dynasts. In the past, political family members would await their turn and not gun for the same electoral seats lest they be viewed as crass. Today there’s no more attempt to sugarcoat the exclusivist elite politics.

An UNO spokesman sought to justify the elite game of musical chairs by likening it to international shipping’s use of flags of convenience. "We have no choice," he told a radio commentator, "we have to live with the political system set by the Constitution until it is changed." Now he’s talking. Only months ago, he and his fellow politicos were demonizing the sincere effort of a few to reform that elitist system.

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Raul Gonzalez was set Friday to release the second of three batches of Chinese poachers caught in Palawan seas in 2006. It didn’t matter that environment and fishers’ groups were protesting. Proudly stubborn, the justice secretary thought he was doing his boss President Gloria Arroyo a favor by freeing the thieves, as a Palawan judge had done for the first batch only last week. In his fuddled estimation, China must be repaid by letting go its bad citizens because it has just signed 30 economic pacts with RP.

Fortunately, presidential daughter Luli phoned the conservation-illiterate official to say she was closely monitoring the cases. Only then did Gonzalez realize his reckoning was wrong, and stammered something about upholding law and national sovereignty.

Luli is a daughter who would do any parent proud. She is the lady who had topped the foreign-service qualifying exam on the eve of mom’s sudden ascension to the Presidency in 2001, but meekly accepted to not be appointed to office to avoid insinuation of nepotism. She is the presidential daughter who, without fanfare, organizes drug rehab for wayward youths. She is the same woman who quietly stayed in usual long line at airport immigration, until an abusive official prompted her to speak out against playing favorites.

If not for Luli, Gonzalez would have gotten away with it – again.

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