Actually, both Doy and Celia wrote the book. Doy’s diary, speeches, letters and various observations are quoted as primary sources, and Celia did a marvelous job putting them together while adding her own insights and comments.
The book thoroughly chronicles the life of Doy from boyhood, to adolescence, to manhood. Rich in detail, it makes for absorbing, indeed compelling reading. The chapters on Doy’s courtship of Celia, on their days as sweethearts and later as newlyweds will appeal to the romantically inclined; few women can match Celia’s devotion to her husband and children.
Doy, a brilliant student, shifted from medicine to law – a very difficult academic task – and excelled in postgraduate law studies in Yale U. where he earned a master’s degree and later, a doctorate degree, the faculty having described his thesis as "superbly creative".
As a practicing lawyer, he was genuinely concerned with the poor; his CLASP, the Citizen’s Legal Aid Society of the Philippines, helped those who could not afford lawyers’ fees. His years as dedicated head of CLASP earned him the "Most Outstanding Legal Aid Lawyer in the World" award in Stockholm, Sweden in 1976, for which award, 79 others had been nominated.
Of that occasion, Doy writes: "I was asked to say a few words. I didn’t have a prepared speech since I had not expected to receive the award. But I was so moved that I must have delivered a good speech because I got a standing ovation.
"Because of my award I had a long series of speaking engagements that gave me a chance to expound on the question of the legality of Marcos’ martial law. I pointed out that the Constitution specifies that martial law can be declared only in case of invasion or insurrection. But we were not invaded nor were we in a state of revolt. The only excuse Marcos could cite was the existence of ‘imminent danger thereof’ – an excuse that has become absurd after four years. He said he imposed martial law to save the republic. Save it from what? Another excuse was that martial law was imposed to ‘reform’ society. Marcos said it was only temporary – but how long is temporary? I told my audience we should fight for the rule of law because martial law curtails freedom and law can only thrive in freedom."
Even in law school, Doy had always shown his talent for oratory and debate. His "Child of Perfidy" won him first prize in three successive occasions and for this triple victory, his trophy was enshrined in the UP permanently.
Doy made an unprecedented leap to the Senate without having gone through the initial stages as councilor or congressman.
In the book, the image of Doy’s father, Jose P. Laurel, looms large as jurist, politician and statesman, as Japanese Occupation president who guided the ship of state over stormy waters, never wavering in making decisions for the country’s weal. Whenever Doy had to make an important decision, he would always ask himself: What would my father do if he were in my place? How would he resolve the dilemma I am facing?
The biggest dilemma came during the martial law regime. Politics then (as now!) was rife with intrigues, double-dealing, acts of treachery and betrayal. Doy of course was with the opposition and became UNIDO’s candidate for president. Even Cory Aquino, during the convention, had voiced her support for Doy – as Doy writes in his diary. Dark forces were working against him. Forthwith, Doy made the greatest as also the noblest sacrifice in his life when he gave up his candidacy in favor of Cory who, in fact, had agreed to be the standard bearer on the following conditions (as stipulated in the book): That she would step down in two years, that Doy would name 30 percent of the Cabinet, that she would appoint the remaining 70 percent after close consultations with Doy.
Doy continues: "I met with Cory to decide the choice of Cabinet members as per our agreement. I submitted names on the basis of our agreement that there would be close consultation on the composition of the Cabinet. At this point, I noticed that she was not following our agreement. She rejected my recommendations except for one."
On Doy agreeing to his candidacy for vice-president, Celia writes: "At the press conference, Doy was cool. My heart went out to him. I knew how earnestly he had fought, for nearly six years, organizing and leading an opposition at a time when it was foolhardy to do so. I knew his obsession ‘to fight might with right’, that democracy and freedom should be restored at all cost and dictatorship forever obliterated. But whatever hurt he had was well concealed. A discipline he had acquired through the years. I was so proud of him! His memorable speech "No Sacrifice is Too Great" moved all those who heard it and it must be remembered."
Doy writes: "I know that was a painful decision to many of my supporters who honestly believed that my labors in developing and nurturing the UNIDO as the dominant opposition party deserves not only recognition but also preference.
"But like my father who gave way to Magsaysay 32 years ago, I believe that personal and group interest must yield to national interest." (Doy’s sterling example should be followed by present-day politicians with personal agendas.)
As Centennial Commission chairman, Doy was behind the construction of the 35,000-seat amphitheater, The Freedom Ring Performing Arts Center, whose grand inaugural program was staged before a full house. On Dec. 30, 1996, Rizal’s execution was re-enacted with a 3,000-member cast headed by Cocoy Laurel as Rizal. A 1,000-voice choir then sang Mi Ultimo Adios conducted by Ryan Cayabyab who himself had set Rizal’s farewell to music.
Much more remains to be written about the significant book whose subject was a poet who wrote deeply meaningful poems, a thinker whose favorite books were on philosophy and religion, and an idealist who dreamed great things for his beloved country, making the supreme sacrifice for it.