Extortion attempt on Czech firm: NBI report overdue
Whatever happened to the aborted $30-million extortion from a Czech firm? Four months since opening a probe of transport bureaucrats, the National Bureau of Investigation has yet to bare its findings.
The shakedown made headlines in July because no less than Czech ambassador Josef Rychtar exposed it. Victimized a year earlier were the visiting CEO and COO of European tram maker Inekon Inc. Alleged as perpetrator was general manager Al S. Vitangcol of the transportation department’s Metro Rail Transit. Follow-up stories linked President Noynoy Aquino’s eldest sister Ballsy and husband Eldon Cruz, and first cousin Jorge Aquino Lichauco.
A complete, impartial NBI account is pressing, as P-Noy strives to dissociate from any thievery. The extortion try has been eclipsed by the pork barrel scandal, for which P-Noy is calling lawmakers “plunderers.†The incrimination of presidential kin, belied as “a diversionary ploy,†P-Noy’s same term for criticisms of his own presidential “pork,†purportedly was the handiwork of a Malacañang faction.
Going by documents and reliable news items, at least two crimes have been committed. One, an extortion attempt, ostensibly to rig a P3.8-billion deal for Inekon. Two, slander of innocents, maliciously to cover tracks. There could be more offenses: influence peddling, blackmail, perjury, and obstruction of justice.
As pieced together by columnists Dante Ang and Francisco Tatad, top Inekon execs, with Rychtar, had hosted a bistro dinner for Vitangcol. Also present were Vitangcol’s supposed “private associatesâ€: Wilson de Vera, Manolo Maralit, and Marlo de la Cruz. The socials were Vitangcol’s idea, to preface their official call at his office the next day. Discussed were Inekon’s aim to supply 52 new train coaches, refurbish 73 decade-old ones, and maintain all 125 for the MRT. (Inekon had bought out the original Czech supplier in 1999 of the trams for the MRT-3 on EDSA, Metro Manila.)
After dinner, also on Vitangcol’s suggestion, they retired to Rychtar’s Makati residence for private talk. All joined except Vitangcol. De Vera then allegedly broached Inekon’s need to cough up $30 million to clinch the deal. The Inekon men and Rychtar refused. For, it was to be government-to-government, financed by a Czech state loan, with no room for legal broker’s fees, much more illegal kickbacks. All the while, de Vera was on his mobile, purportedly being instructed by Vitangcol to bargain. The Czechs rejected even the lowering of the squeeze money to $3 million.
The next day at the MRT office Vitangcol allegedly told the Czechs to partner in a Philippine company with his sister. Inekon was to capitalize it, but own only 40 percent, the maximum set by law for foreigners in public utilities. Again the Czechs demurred. After which, de Vera allegedly texted Rychtar that no way would Inekon now get the contract.
All that happened under the watch of transport chief Mar Roxas, president of P-Noy’s ruling Liberal Party. Rychtar reported everything last April to new transport secretary Joseph Emilio Aguinaldo Abaya, also an LP.
Pre-empting Ang’s newsbreak in July was the linking of Ballsy, Cruz, and Lichauco to the deal. Implicated too was Pete Prado, Cruz’s one-time business associate, also ex-transport minister of P-Noy’s mother President Cory; and Yorgos Psinakis, an Inekon agent and nephew of Greek-American Steve Psinakis, married into the Lopez tycoon clan.
It turned out from Ang and Tatad’s investigative journalism that none had a direct link to the MRT-3 contract. Although labeled as critics and political foes of P-Noy, the columnists dutifully reported that the Cruzes’ 2011 trip to Prague was unrelated to the shakedown. Lichauco’s role was as consultant at the Office of the Executive Secretary, tasked to report to Malacañang the implementation of transport projects.
Rychtar promptly wrote P-Noy that only the MRT-3 officials, not the presidential kin, had tried to squeeze money from his compatriots. Abaya scolded Rychtar for the embarrassing report on the department’s blacklisting of Inekon. After which, three months since first learning of the exaction, Abaya announced an administrative inquiry.
Vitangcol initially denied, then admitted knowing Rychtar. Belying the extortion, he took a month-long leave in deference to Abaya’s internal inquiry. He claimed it was Rychtar who introduced him to Maralit. Then, invoking orders from higher-ups, he turned down press interviews even after quietly returning to work on Aug. 22. Queried that day by reporters, Abaya said he didn’t know his subordinate was back.
Meanwhile, presidential spokesman Edwin Lacierda, also an LP, publicly denounced Rychtar. The Czech envoy wouldn’t retort, rightly coursing through the Dept. of Foreign Affairs his first-hand info and reactions. In a “non-paper†(informal notice) to the DFA, reprinted by Tatad, Rychtar noted that only he, never the transport officials, sought to clear the names of the presidential kin.
Also in July the NBI took up the criminal aspect of the case, and interviewed Rychtar. Two months thereafter nothing happened. Then the NBI revisited Rychtar in Sept. to request for a sworn affidavit from him and the Inekon execs.
Vitangcol’s “private associates†eventually became part of PH Trams-CB&T, a new consortium that took over the repairs at MRT-3. The transport department suddenly had ended the contract of Sumitomo of Japan, which was handling it since the MRT-3 opened 14 years ago.
Certain transport officials also initiated talks with two Croatian firms for the supply, refurbishing, and maintenance of MRT coaches. When nothing materialized, the contract was given to China’s state-owned Dalian Industries.
If the NBI conducts a thorough probe, it would unearth in the subsequent events a pattern of contract rigging. Two high officials involved in the controversial vehicle license platemaking deal would be implicated. (That deserves a separate story.)
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